Παρασκευή, 7 Φεβρουαρίου 2014

The emigration of Macedonians to lands outside Greece: Greek- and Vlach-speaking immigrants in the countries of the Northern Balkans - Α. Ε. Vacalopoulos

History of Macedonia 1354-1833
A. E. Vacalopoulos

XII. The emigration of Macedonians to lands outside Greece
 2. Greek- and Vlach-speaking immigrants in the countries of the Northern Balkans

1. ( Koutsovlachs ( Ἑλληνόβλαχοι ) )
2. ( Greek merchants )
3. ( Hellenic civilization and way of life )
4. ( Wallachia and Moldavia )
5. ( Hungarian towns )
6. ( The Greco-Vlach community of Buda and Pest )
7. ( Austria )
8. ( Vienna )

1. Α good number of these Macedonians settled abroad spoke Vlach, a language in its own right, of Latin origin and akin to the other Romance languages of Western Europe and Rumania. These are the people called Koutsovlacs. Apart from their mother tongue they also speak Greek. These Vlach-speaking inhabitants of Western and Central Macedonia and of Thessaly probably represent native populations who have been Latinized [1], but who have marked Greek feelings and are known by the name Ἑλληνόβλαχοι.

Most of the information about the Koutsovlachs who had settled in Serbian and other Yugoslav territories I have taken from the book of D. Popović (a Koutsovlach himself from Kruševo) about the Cincars (Koutsovlachs). Living as he does in Yugoslavia, Popović is well disposed to that nation, though he displays a marked antipathy towards the Greeks. Yet in spite of this, he is forced to recognise the identity of feeling between Koutsovlachs and Greeks. Thus he writes that the Koutsovlachs are very proud of their Greek ancestry, that they often refer to their glorious Greek past and record the names of the great figures of ancient Greece and the Fathers of the Church [2]. In the Greek struggles for freedom and particularly during the War of Independence the activities of the Koutsovlachs cannot be separated from that of the other Greeks.
Though living in a foreign land, the heart of every Koutsovlach, like any other Greek, was orientated towards Greece [3], and he followed with sympathy and enthusiasm the dramatic moments of her history [4]. Popović mentions a liqueur-maker who had put on his firm's labels the name 'Karaiskakis' (one of the Greek leaders in the War of Independence) with a portrait of the hero besides the name [5]. Such great benefactors of Hellenism as Pangas, Averov, Sinas, Tositsas, Stournaras, who

1. Vacalopoulos, Ἱστορία, vol. 1, pp. 35-36.
2. D. I. Popović, On the Cincari (in Serbocroat), 2nd edit., Belgrade 1937, pp. 18 ff. Concerning the Vlachs and their relations with the Transdanubian pricinipalities see A. N. Hâciu, Aromânii, Focşani 1936, in which they are considered as members of the Rumanian race.
3. See many interesting facets of the Koutsovlachs' Greek consciousness in Popović, ibid., pp. 19-22.
4. Popović, ibid., p. 179.
5. Ibid., p. 56.

have founded notable cultural institutions or have made great donations to Greece, are of Koutsovlach origin [1]. From the lands where they have established themselves and made their fortune such men have frequently demonstrated their feelings of gratitude and donated money for a variety of socially benevolent works, especially the foundation and upkeep of educational and ecclesiastical establishments [2]. Α number of their foundations survive to this day.

So interwoven were the identities of Greek and Koutsovlach that in countries outside Greece their neighbours hardly knew to which of the two peoples the foreign immigrants belonged. Even their descendants often did not know whether their forefathers had been Greek or Koutsovlach. It is an indisputable fact, and one generally accepted by foreign historians, that the national consiousness of the Koutsovlachs is essentially Greek [3]. But in spite of this, some non-Greek writers, particularly from northern Balkan countries (and Popović amongst them), basing themselves on the Koutsovlachs' distinctly different language, insist on separating them from the remainder of the Greeks and on calling them 'Hellenized Koutsovlachs'. Their reason for doing this is that by playing down those features which unite Greeks with the Vlach-speaking peoples they might diminish the importance of the economic and cultural influences which the Greeks have had on other Balkan countries. Unfortunately, this tendency reaches such proportions that it manifests itself overtly in the form of generally opprobrious remarks about the Greek nation [4].

2. To the question when exactly did Greek merchants begin to settle permanently in the northernmost Balkan lands and in Central Europe, the answer is not known. It is probable that this intercommunication, signs of which are already perceptible in Byzantine times, had never quite ceased after the fall of Constantinople. Many of these emigrants — mostly of Western Macedonian origin — settled in Serbia and other parts of what is today Yugoslavia. This took place in the 17th and 18th century mainly, especially after the Treaty of Passarowitz. In Veles of modern Yugoslavia (see map 9) were established alarge num-

1. For numerous details about the head of the Sinas family and its members, see Popović, On the Cincari, pp. 149-158. See also the recently published book of George S. Laïos, Σίμων Σίνας, Athens 1972.
2. Popović, ibid., pp. 270-273.
3. Ibid., pp. 18-19. See also p. 170.
4. See Popović, ibid., pp. 305-306.

ber of Greek merchants most probably of Koutsovlach origin, who formed an association. Its brazen emblem depicts the River Vardar spanned by a bridge, and inscribed around the inner circumference are the words 'Σύστημα τῶν πραγματευτῶν Ρωμαίων ἐν Βελισᾷ Κιοπρουλοῦ' and on the outer 'Corpo Greco mercantile in Velissa' [1]. The Koutsovlach families of Kragujevac came mostly from Gópesi and Pisodéri, with 15 of them from Sélitsa and Siátista [2]. 23 Greek families in Passarowitz came mainly from Epirus [3].

After the liberation of Greece these merchants used to send their children to be educated in Athens, where they were brought up with Greek ideals [4].

Quite a number of these emigrants used to cross the Austro-Turkish frontier, carrying merchandise from their home regions and from other parts of the Turkish empire. As itinerant merchants they disposed of their goods in the markets and trade-fairs, and in escaping the attentions of the local authorities they avoided the payment of dues. Eventually they would make for home with their profits or with merchandise from the parts they had visited. Needless to say, this form of smuggling was interlaced with small-scale deceptions of one kind and another. But Austrian and Hungarian governments acquiesced in their activities, since these emigrants were contributing in some small part to the promotion of the countries' internal trade, and helping to increase the revenues of the localities concerned [5].

At Zemun (Semlin), the first stopping place of the emigrants on their way to Hungary, there grew up quite a sizeable Greek community composed of both Greek- and Vlach-speaking Greeks. The Vlach-speakers called themselves Greco-Vlachs or Macedonian Vlachs, and their community seal bore the words 'Κοινότης τῶν Ρωμαίων καὶ Μακεδονοβλάχων'. The Greek-Koutsovlach community at Novi Sad called itself Communitas Hellenica or Graeca [6]. These merchants were mainly established along the length of the trade route leading from Zemun to Vienna and carried on most of the commercial activity in the riverine

1. See Πρακτικὰ ΔΙΕΕ τῆς KE' Γεν. Συν. τῶν Ἑταίρων τῶν ἐτῶν 1910-1911, p. 16.
2. Popović, On the Cincari, pp. 52-53.
3. Ibid., p. 53. One might mention in particular the goldsmiths in the Orsiav district in 1725 and Novopalanć between 1738-1748 (Popović, ibid., p. 140).
4. Popović, ibid., p. 22, n. 30 (he cites Kanić, p. 336).
5. See many details in Popović, ibid., pp. 88 ff., 104-109. See also Em. Turczynski, Die deutch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, p. 5.
6. Popović, ibid., p. 18.

markets of the Danube, like Zemun, Smederovo, Belgrade, Novi Sad, etc. [1].
It is clear from the above that commerce constituted the chief calling of the emigrants. But they were also engaged in other work. They kept inns, coffee-shops and restaurants; they were employed in carpentry, shoe-making, silver-work etc; they held positions in medicine and other professions [2]. Many of them enjoyed a good reputation as builders and operated as far afield as Serbia, Srem, Slovenia and Austria itself. The first stone-built church to be erected in the village of Kuzmin in Srem was built by Cincars(Koutsovlachs). Kanić considered them the builders par excellence of European Turkey [3]. In Hungary emigrants enjoyed almost a monopoly of the livestock-trade, handling cattle, sheep, pigs, horses and other animals [4]. Indeed in Srem, Banat and Batska 'Greek' and 'livestock-dealer' had become virtually synonymous terms, and every dairyman, even though he might be a Serb, was called a 'Greek' [5]. Greeks were also active merchants in the corn-trade [6].

Α list of the inhabitants of the cities of Srem — north-west of Belgrade between the Danube and the Sava — (Zemun, Karlowitz, Bukovar, Mitrovitsa, etc.) shows that in 1736/37 a considerable number of Western Macedonians were living in that region. Even today the main road passing through the villages of Srem is called 'the Greek road'. We notice, too, that after Belgrade had fallen into Turkish hands in 1739 many Greek merchants moved from there to Novi Sad.

After 1760 the stream of Greek immigrants into Yugoslav lands reached the dimensions of a torrent. Waves of refugees came from Moschopolis shortly before it was plundered by Albanians in 1769 [7]. To give a more striking picture of the proportion of Greeks resident in Yugoslav lands, let me quote the following details given by Popović. In Kraïna (a frontier province of Croatia) most of the merchants came from Moschopolis, Grábova (near Moschopolis), Sífka, and Kozáni.

1. Popović, ibid., p. 170. On the Greco-Vlach colony of Smederovo see p. 241.
2. Popović, ibid., p. 56. See also pp. 82, 168-170. See many details about the various professions besides commercial on pp. 138-148. See too pp. 65 ff, where there are some interesting observations on the intellectual capacities, the good and bad points and general character of the Koutsovlachs.
3. Popović, ibid., pp. 142, 144.
4. Popović, ibid., p. 148.
5. Popović, ibid. p. 148.
6. Cvijić, Géographie, p. 52. See details in E. Turczynski, Die deutsch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, pp. 73-75, where the relevant bibliography may be found.
7. Popović, ibid., pp. 34-37. See also p. 55 and p. 111.

In Srem around 1770 there were dwelling 29 families from Moschopolis, 20 from Katránitsa, 11 from Blátsi, 8 from Kleisoúra, 5 from Véroia, 4 from Kozáni, 2 from Siátista, 1 from Kastoriá and 1 from Náousa [1]. At the same time out of 76 families at Zemun whose origins are known 28 came from Moschopolis, 16 from Katránitsa, 5 from Blátsi, and one or two from other towns in Macedonia (Siátista, Kastoriá, Monastíri, Melnik, Kozáni, Kleisoúra). In Belgrade, out of 109 families whose origins are known, 32 came from Kleisoúra, 12 from Siátista, 11 from Blátsi, 6 from Moschopolis, three each from Sélitsa and Melnik; the remainder came from Yánnina, Sérres, Katránitsa, Thessalonica, Kastoriá, Velvendó, etc. [2].

To illustrate the steady increase in the number of families of Macedonian origin we might cite the following statistics from Popović: at Karlowitz there were in 1702 five to ten families from Macedonia; in 1736, twenty to twenty-five; in 1764, thirty-five to forty; and in 1780, about sixty [3]. The founder of the secondary school at Karlowitz was Demetrius Anastasiou Sambov who came from Náousa. There was also in Karlowitz a completely Greek school, students of which were ultimately to make a name for themselves in science [4].

Again, in Novi Sad there were about ten Greek families in 1746; in 1768, from eighty to a hımdred; and in 1780, one hundred and twenty [5].

Popović calculates that in Old Serbia there were 1.200 to 1.500 Greek families about the year 1770 [6]. My own opinion is that this number is inaccurate, the number of Western Macedonian families being more numerous in this region. In the cities of Bosnia and Herzogovina, too, there were a number of Greek merchants, craftsmen and innkeepers speaking Greek or Vlach [7].

These immigrants developed into hardworking and capable merchants, and formed a significant proportion of the urban classes in the regions mentioned as Yugoslav historians will confess. It was their descendants who were instrumental in rousing the national awakening

1. Popović, On the Cincari, p. 50.
2. Popović, ibid., pp. 50-51. See also the article of Maria Symeon, Αἱ ἑλληνικαὶ παροικίαι εἰς τὴν Γιονγκοσλαβίαν, «Μακεδονικὴ Ζωή», January 1967, part 8, pp. 21-23.
3. Popović, ibid., p. 54. See also George Laïos, Ὁ ἑλληνικὸς τύπος τῆς Βιέννης. Ἀπὸ τοῦ 1784 μέχρι τοῦ 1821, Athens 1961, p. 6, n. 4.
4. Popović, ibid., p. 47.
5. Ibid., p. 54.
6. Ibid., p. 55.
7. Cvijić, Géographie, p. 52.

in those parts and were "the chief promoters of the Serbian Idea" [1]. The Serbian scholar Ruvarac recognised that the market comprised less Serbs than Greeks or semi-Greeks (by the latter term he means Koutsovlachs); and he adds that it was the refined spirit of these immigrants that was proof of their Greek descent [2]. Popović himself is forced to acknowledge that "Greeks and Hellenized Koutsovlachs made up the upper stratum from both the material and the cultural point of view: as it were, a kind of social aristocracy"[3].

Although these Greeks were by nature economical and sometimes tight-fisted, they spared no expense when it came to buying and furnishing a house. The most handsome and modern houses in Zemun and Belgrade belonged to Greeks, and their interiors were equipped with the smartest furniture of the time [4]. Even today one can see in Zemun the family house of George Spirtas, who originally came from Kleisoúra.

3. The Greek immigrants carried with them the Hellenic civilization and way of life. Their reputation was such that they came to be considered as exemplary types. For instance, people spoke of being 'devout as a Greek' and 'amiable and reasonable as a Greek'. In sum, the word 'Greek' represented in people's consciousness all that was best and superior[5].

Greek language and education were widely spread amongst the higher social strata of Serbia. Many a Serb who wanted to continue his basic studies put his name down for one or other of the numerous Greek schools scattered throughout the towns and cities of Serbia [6]. It cannot be maintained, of course, that a single educational system was followed in these schools. Every teacher taught according to his own conceptions and the extent of his knowledge. The principal subjects were language, practical arithmetic (of considerable use in day-to-day affairs), Greek history, and religion [7].

Amongst the Greek schools the one at Zemun was particularly well-known. It was closed down in 1875, and in 1906 the Greek brother-

1. See examples in Popović, On the Cincari, p. 12.
2. Ibid., pp. 13-14, where there are many other details. See also pp. 18-19.
3. Ibid., p. 161.
4. Ibid., p. 162. For the costume of these merchants see p. 164.
5. Ibid., p. 165.
6. Popović, ibid., p. 171. See also p. 174. See numerous other details about the Greek schools and Greek education on pp. 218 ff.
7. Ibid., p. 242.

hood of that town handed over to the Serbs the school property, which was valued at 100.000 gold francs [1].

At Zara in Dalmatia Greek was the second language after Italian right up till 1944 [2].

Α number of school text-books were published by Greek concerns for the education of the youth in Serbia. For instance, the Greek community of Zemun had printed at Venice a spelling-book in both Greek and Slav characters. George Papazachariou, a Greek teacher of the same town, had published a Greek-Slav dictionary and a Greek grammar [3]. All commercial correspondence at Zemun was in Greek, and this was the language of book-keeping and wills [4].

In the Church of Serbia during the last centuries of Turkish rule Greek was the language usually employed in the liturgy. It was not till 1827 that the Serbian ruler, Miloš Obrenović, ordained that the liturgy should be read in Serb alone. Even so, whoever wished to, could use another language in the liturgy provided they built their own chapels. In the church of Smederovo boys and girls from the elementary school used to read the Epistles in Greek up to 1850, when this was officially forbidden. In what is now Yugoslav Macedonia Greek was used in the churches up to the time when the territory was incorporated into the then Kingdom of Serbia (1912-1913) [5].

The Koutsovlachs and other Greeks had a high opinion of themselves and were tremendously proud of their Greek tongue and their historical past; and with their prosperity and their high social position, they tended to be unpopular with the Serbs, who considered them proud and self-centred [6].

Among Greeks who have distinguished themselves in Yugoslav lands by virtue of their cultural activity, first place must be assigned to Demetrius Demetriou (see fig. 117), whose parents had come from Siátista. Demetriou played an energetic role in the cultural and linguistic

1. Symeon, Αἱ ἑλληνικαὶ παροικίαι εἰς τὴν Γιονγκοσλαβίαν, «Μακεδονικὴ Ζωή», January 1967, part 8, p. 23.
2. Symeon, ibid., p. 22.
3. Popović, On the Cincari, p. 176, note 57. Regarding the activities and teachers of the school at Zemun, see Turczynski, Die deutsch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, pp. 82-83.
4. Cvijić, Géographie, p. 52. Popović, ibid., p. 172.
5. Popović, ibid., p. 213. See also Jireček, Geschichte der Bulgaren, p. 510: "In Makedonien wurde die Liturgie ausser der Dibra, der Gegend von Prilep und einiger Klöster selbst in Dörfern griechisch gelesen...».
6. Popović, pp. 182-183.

education of the Croatian youth of Zagreb and Gratz, and became a close friend of Ludovic Gay, the foremost member of the Illyrian Movement, that aimed at the union of all Yugoslavs in a single nationality termed 'Illyrian'. (The adherents of this movement held the mistaken opinion that the modern Yugoslavs are descendants of the Illyrians). Demetriou made his mark not only as a Croatian champion and patriot, but as awriter also. From his dramatic works one might mention his play entitled 'Teuta', which is concemed with the struggles of Queen Teuta of Illyria against the Romans. He also wrote some lyric poetry and stories in Croatian. But better known is his work in translation, especially of German drama and poetry and also of modern Greek literary works.

Fig. 117. Demetrius Demetriou.
(Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Zagreb 1956, vol. 2, p. 687)

Although Demetriou had but a limited knowledge of Greek, he did try his hand at some lyric poems in the language, and these works have been recently published by the Yugoslav S. Yurič.

In addition, Demetriou is considered as one of those who took a leading part in the foundation of the National Theatre of Zagreb; his bust decorates its vestibule today. One ought to mention, too, his attempts to modernise the obsolete form of Croatian theatre, a matter to which historians of Yugoslav literature have drawn attention [1].

4. Greek immigrants had established themselves from an early date in the rich corn lands of Wallachia and Moldavia, as well as in the countries of Central Europe. Already by the 16th century Greek merchants are mentioned as being in Reni on the lower Danube (a great proportion of the Moldavian transit trade passed that way), and in other important trade centres [2]. In these two Rumanian countries the number of immigrants increased steadily in spite opposition from the local inhabit-

1. Jurić, Τὰ Ἑλληνικὰ λυρικὰ ποιήματα τοῦ Δημήτρη Δημητρίου, Thessalonica 1965.
2. Turczynski, ibid., p. 5, note 8, where there is relevant bibliography.

ants. Among these Greek were many who served in the church and at court [1].

Around the end of the 16th century one hears of many wealthy Greeks whose stay abroad was temporary and who re-established themselves in their home country after spending years away. Such is the case of the 'extremely wealthy' Patroulas from Sérres, whose fortune was seized by the Turks in 1598 [2]. Generally speaking, the Greeks succeeded in increasing their fortunes and outstripping the local inhabitants and their competitors, the Genoese and Armenians. By 1600 the control of a substantial portion of Eastern Balkan trade was in the hands of Greeks [3]. When Michael the Brave took his stand against the Turks and formed an alliance with the German emperor, Rudolf II (1576-1652), the higher clergy looked to the Rumanian rulers for help in the struggle for liberation [4]. During the reign of Matthew Basarab (1632-1654) over Wallachia and of Basil Lupu (1634-1653) over Moldavia, the relations between Rumanians and Greeks — and with the Oecumenical Patriarch in particular — became closer. Frequent gifts were bestowed by the rulers of these two states upon the patriarchates of Constantinople and Jerusalem, and upon the Holy Mountain [5].

Greek monks from Mt. Athos began settling in the Transdanubian states in large numbers and some founded monasteries. Greek education was thereby reinforced and was able to challenge the Slavonic influences which had been dominant in these parts since the 14th century. From the time of Radu I, ruler of Transylvania (1374-1385), Slavonic had been the official language of church and state in Wallachia; and in Moldavia it had been so from a still earlier date. This powerful influence of Slav language and education was owed to the large numbers of Athonite monks of Slav descent (Bulgarian and Serb) who had fled from the Turkish conqueror to seek asylum in Rumanian monasteries. They had been more numerous than the Greek monks; and taking with them manuscripts in Slavonic, they had taught their language to the Rumanians. Thus the upper classes spoke Slavonic, though the common people spoke

1. Turczynski, Die deutsch-griechische Kulturbeziehungen, pp. 31-32.
2. See Pennas, Σερραϊκὰ Χρονικά, 1, p. 7.
3. Stoianovich, Conquering..., «The Journal of Economic History» 20 (1960) 241.
4. See D. Russo, Studii istorice Greco-Române, Bucharest 1939, 1, pp. 103-109. Jorga, Byzance après Byzance, pp. 148-154.
5. See Turczynski, ibid., pp. 32-33, where the relevant bibliography is to be found, 32 ff.

their native language and retained their national customs and traditions.

But now the monks from the Holy Mountain, and other Greeks besides, were presenting a serious counter to Slavic influences. Greek education began gradually to win ground through the foundation of schools and printing-presses in the monasteries, which at that time were the only cultural centres in Transylvania and Moldavia. The struggle ended with the supremacy of Greek letters around the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th. However, Matthew Basarab and Basil Lupu substituted the Rumanian language for both Slavonic and Greek for church and state in the middle of the 17th century [1].

In the wake of the Greek monks and clerics and of the Phanariot rulers with their friends and relatives came numerous other Greeks after 1711. Some were merchants, others doctors and literary men, taking to their new homelands the basic elements of Greek civilization [2]. Α large proportion of these came from Macedonia, particularly the regions inhabited by Vlach-speaking populations, who, speaking a Romance language closely related to Rumanian, found a sympathetic environment in the Transdanubian states. For this reason many other Greeks who emigrated to those parts let it be known that they were 'Aromuni' (Koutsovlachs) in order to gain the sympathy of the local inhabitants. (This is a fact recognised by Rumanian historians). Greek communities rapidly made their appearance in almost all the commercial centres of Wallachia and Moldavia, and these are still known today by their original names. The surname 'Grec' or 'Grecul', too, is often encountered [3].

Already by the middle of the 16th century there were Macedonian immigrants settled in various towns and villages of Transylvania — Sibiu, Braşov, Cluj, Arad, Alba-Julia, Hunedvara, etc. [4]. In fact Greek immigrants had made their appearance at Sibiu and Braşov a century before. Α resolution passed by the town council of Braşov concerning Greeks

1. Tsioran, Σχέσεις τῶν ρουμανικῶν χωρῶν μετὰ τοῦ Ἄθω, pp. 43-53. See also E. Turdeanu, L'actvité littéraire en Moldavie à l'époque d'Etienne le Grand (1457-1504), «Revue des Études Roumaines» 5-6 (1960) 22, 25-26, 46-47.
2. K. Amantos, Οἱ Ἕλληνες εἰς τὴν Ρουμανίαν προ τοῦ 1821, ΠΑΑ 19 (1944), pp. 420-424, 425-433, where relevant bibliography may be found.
3. Turczynski, ibid., p. 32, para. 132, where relevant bibliography may be found.
4. N. Camariano, L'organisation et l'actvité culturelle de la compagnie des marchants Grecs de Sibiu, «Balcania» 6 (1943) 202. See also Turczynski, ibid., pp. 65 ff.

in 1588 and a meeting recorded at Gjulafejervar show that there were by that date already quite a number of Greek merchants living in Transylvania [1]. Macedonians also settled in the possessions of the Racóczy princes of Transylvania. In 1636 George I Racóczy granted certain privileges to the few Macedonian immigrants and other Orthodox folk. Among other concessions the Greeks obtained the right to choose their own judge and sell freely both wholesale and retail [2]. On the enormous estates of the Rakóczy family the need for workers encouraged a stream of immigrants [3]. Thus, in spite of opposition from both Saxon and Hungarian merchants, the Greeks succeeded in finally wresting privileges from George I, Racóczy, Prince of Transylvania (1630-1648) and organizing themselves into 'companies' [4].

During the 16th century the Transylvanian town of Sibiu developed into an important and continually expanding centre of trade with the East, the trade-route running through Wallachia. Amongst the Transylvanian merchants conspicuous by their drive are to be found a number of Greek names [5]. By 1545 they were controlling most of the Eastern trade in spite of a variety of hampering regulations imposed by the local authorities, regarding days when it was permissible to sell, the nature of the goods, and the like [6]. The Greeks of Sibiu received their privileges from George I Racóczy in 1636. These were renewed in 1701 by the Em-peror Leopold [7], who added some new ones to the list: so long as the merchants payed their customs dues regularly they were to enjoy imperial protection; they were exempt from military conscription; they were empowered to start up businesses wherever they wished and to sell whatever goods they chose [8]. All these privileges were again formely recognised in 1777 by the empress Maria-Theresa.

Naturally enough, the increasing commercial activity of these Greek merchants provoked protests from the local inhabitants. Consequently the Emperor Joseph II issued a decree in 1785 diminishing the privileges

1. Odön Füves, Οἱ Ἕλληνες τῆς Οὑγγαρίας, Thessalonica 1965, p. 8.
2. Lampros, Σελίδες, ΝΕ 8 (1911) 264. Füves, ibid., p. 26.
3. Lampros, ibid., pp. 264-265. See in detail the obstacles placed in the way of the Greek marchants by the Austrian authorities in Popović, ibid., pp. 91-102.
4. Camariano, L'organisation, p. 208.
5. See S. Goldenberg, Der Südhandel in den Zollrechnungen von Sibiu (Hermannstadt) im 16. Jahrhundert, «Revue des Études Sud-Est Européennes» 2 (1964) 385-421.
6. Füves, ibid., p. 8.
7. Camariano, ibid., pp. 205, 208-209, 210.
8. Füves, ibid., p. 26.

of the Greeks. As Turkish subjects, they were now obliged to deal in exclusively Turkish products and to deposit affidavits to that effect [1]. Infraction of the first clause of this decree — a not uncommon occurrence — led to frequent clashes with the local authorities [2].

In the Bohemian town of Libin there was a Greek 'company' (Compagnia Grecia Libiniensis) in 1656, according to documents in the Racóczy Archivés [3].

From the evidence in our hands it would seem that a 'company' was a union or kind of guild (similar to those existing in Greek lands) recognised by the state. It championed the interests of its members [4], and exercised control over every aspect of their communal life. The general council of the 'company' had the duty of watching over the administration and of smoothing out any differences which arise between the Greeks and the local merchants. But its particular concern was its members' observance of the laws of the country which had offered them hospitality [5].

5. The Rakóczy Archives give us information about the Hungarian towns and localities for the period 1725-1771. By this time the Greeks were no longer scattered over the enormous estates: they had formed Greek communities in various towns and villages of Transylvania and Moravia, such as Albocarolina, Szasz-Regen, Nagy, Enyved, Thorda (Thorenburg), Kolos, Bistritz, Dees, Szamos-Uswar, Medlitz, Schässburg (Segesvar), Wasarhely, Radnoth, Nagy Sink, Axona, Gorongas, Nagy Varantz and Bungard (where the Orthodox possessed their own church and cemetery). Of all the Greek communities in the region under the Rakóczy family the most important was that in the Hungarian town-ship of Tokay, world-famous for its wines. In 1769 the Macedonians had a 'company' there with John Kontis as its president.

There are numerous other parts of Hungary where we find Greek communities concentrated at this time. There are some thirty or so, in fact, the most important of which were—going south to north along

1. Füves, Οἱ Ἕλληνες τῆς Οὑγγαρίας, 26.
2. Füves, ibid., p. 19.
3. Lampros, Σελίδες, ΝΕ 8 (1911) 226.
4. See also Sp. Lampros, Ἔρευναι ἐν ταῖς βιβλιοθήκαις καὶ ἀρχείοις Ρώμης, Βενετίας, Βουδαπέστης καὶ Βιέννης, ΝΕ 18 (1924) 278, 279. See also Popović, On the Cincari, pp. 129-137, where there is a great amount of details (though this needs careful checking).
5. See many details in Vacalopoulos, Ἱστορία, 3, pp. 398-405.

Map 10. Greek communities in Austro-Hungary. 

the caravan routes — Zemun (Semlin), Neusatz, Temesvar, Szegedin, Szentes, Keoskemét (Aegopolis), Debreczen, Budapest, Miscolc, and Presburg [1] (see map 10).

Fig. 118. Greek church at Miscolč.
(Photo Ö . Füves)

Fig. 119. Façade of the church of the Greek community at Braşov.

Fig. 120. Gilt alter-screen of the Greek church at Braşov.

Already by the end of the 17th century Greek churches had been

1. Lampros, Σελίδες, ΝΕ 8 (1911 j. See also Th. Volides, Ἀνέκδοτος βιβλιογραϕία περὶ τῆς ἑλληνικῆς κοινότητος Τοκαίας, ΕΕΒΣ 22 (1952) 75-81. For the members of the Greek 'company' of Tokay and their places of origin see Popović, ibid., p. 49. On the same page see the composition of the Greek trading community of Temesvar. See details of other towns and villages on p. 121. See also Turczynski, ibid., pp. 69-73. See besides the interesting articles of Odön Füves, who has made tireless researches into Hellenism in Hungary: Adatok az Egri Görögök Történetéhez (Details of the History of the Greeks of Eger),«Antik Tanulmányok», vols. 1-2 (1958) 78-81. Bihari József - Füves Odön, Az Egri Görög Sírfeüratok és Könyvek (The Sepulchral inscriptions and the library of the Greeks of Eger), «Az Egri Pedagógiai Föiskola Füzetei» 132 (1959) 233-261. Odön Füves, Α Rackevei Görörök nyomában (In the footsteps of the Greeks of Ráckeve), «Antik Tanulmányok» VI. Kötet 1-3. Szám, Budapest (1959) 117-122. Of the same author, Görögök Nagykanizsa (Greeks at Nagykanisza), «Különlenyomat az Antik Tanulmányok»^VII. Kötet 3-4. Számából, Budapest (1960) 231-235. Of the same author, Görög kereskedök a Dunántulon 1754-1771 között (Greek merchants in Transylvania between 1754 and 1771), «Különlenyomat az Antik Tanulmányok 1965. Évi XII/1. Számábôl, pp. 106-109. Of the same author, Fejezetek a Szentendrei Görögök történetéböl (Chapters on the history of the Greeks at Szentendrei), «Antik Tanulmányok» 8 (1961) 114-127. 

built in many townships such as Várad, Vać, Gyarmat, Zimony, Karcag, Leva, Miskolc (see fig. 118), Békés, Ungvar and elsewhere, and numerous

Fig. 121. The Greek School at Braşov.

Fig. 122. The Greek church at Vać.

chapels in places of lesser importance like Gyöngyös, Dioszen, Kaninzsa, Seben, Sopron, Nagyszombat (see figs. 119, 120). Not a few of these
churches survive to this day, though the majority are no longer in use. In what were once Orthodox cemeteries one still comes across Greek inscriptions on tombstones of Greek immigrants [1].

There were also a large number of Greek schools in Hungary (see fig. 121), notable amongst which were those at Zimony, Miscolc and Kecskemét. The latter continued to be in use up till 1872, its last teacher being the learned George Kallonas. At Pest too there was a school where some distinguished 'διδάσκαλοι τοῦ Γένους' taught, like Michael Papageorgiou from Siátista (some of his descendants can be found to this day in Kecskemét [2]), George Ventotis from Zakynthos, Gabriel Kallonas from Andros, Polyzoës Kontos from Yánnina, Charisios Megdanis, Euphronios Raphael Popović and George Rousiades (all three from Kozáni), and others [3].

Fig. 123. Greek church at Szentendre.

From the archives of the prefecture of Pest we learn that in the 18th century Greeks in greater or smaller numbers dwelt in 54 towns and villages in that area. The most important Greek settlement was at Kecskemét; then came those at Vać (with a beautiful church; see fig. 122), Szentendre (see fig. 123), Ráckeve, and other centres. The Greeks

1. For a general picture of the Orthodox church in Hungary and in what used formerly to be Hungarian regions, see Feriz Berki, Ἡ ἐν Οὑγγαρίᾳ Ὀρθόδοξος Ἐκκλησία, Thessalonica 1964. See also Pir. Prosser,Sepulchral inscriptions of Greeks in Hungarian cemeteries, Budapest 1942, where the relevant bibliography is to be found. See too Odön Füves' recent study, Ἐπιτύμβιοι ἐπιγραϕαὶ εἰς τὴν Οὑγγαρίαν, «Ἑλληνικὰ» 19 (1966) 296-347.
2. Popović, On the Cincari, pp. 228-229. See also A. Horvath, Πῶς καθρεϕτίζονται οἱ ἑλληνοουγγρικὲς σχέσεις στὰ ἀρχεῖα καὶ στὶς βιβλιοθῆκες τῆς Δυτικῆς Μακεδονίας, «Τὸ Νέον Κράτος» 4 (1940) 553.
3. Α. Horvath, Ἐκπολιτιστικὴ δράση τῆς ἑλληνικῆς διασπορᾶς, «Ν. Ἑστία» 28 (1940) 929-931. Detailed information about the school and its teachers at Pest in Nich. Delialis, Ἀναμνηστικὴ εἰκονογραϕημένη ἔκδοαις Παύλου Χαρίση μετὰ ἱστορ. αημειώσεων περὶ τῶν ἐν Οὑγγαρίᾳ καὶ Αὐστρίᾳ ἑλληνικῶν κοινοτήτων, Kozani 1935, vol. 1, pp. 48-69.

of the Pest prefecture were mainly engaged in the provision trade and in manufactures. Most of these merchants came originally from Macedonia and were unmarried. The older and more wealthy people had been naturalised, for it was only by taking the nationality of their adopted country that these expatriate Greeks could hold onto the fortunes they had made there. The younger men, on the other hand, remained Turkish subjects [1]. At Comarno (Komaron), to the north of Pest, dwelt many Greek corn-merchants (see fig. 124). We also findGreeks from Macedonia

Fig. 124. Interior façade of a Greek church at Comarno.
(Photo Ö. Füves)

established in towns and cities of what is today part of Slovakia. Around the middle of the 18th century Greeks were living in about 30 towns and cities of that region. The infiltration of these merchants met with some hostility on the part of the merchants of many towns, most of all at Pressburg (Bratislava). But their efforts to prevent the establishment of Greek merchants were unsuccessful, since the latter had a great deal of money and were clever at overcoming the obstacles placed in their way. Almost all of these Greeks came from Macedonia, a few from

1. Odön Füves, Ἀπογραϕὲς τῶν Ἑλλήνων παροίκων τοῦ νομοῦ τῆς Πέστης, «Μακεδονικὰ» 5 (1961-1963) 194-195.

Thessalonica, and only a small number from Thrace, Serbia, Bulgaria and the other Turkish occupied lands. Of the immigrants from Macedonia half came from Moschopolis, while the remainder came from Kozáni, Sérvia, Thessalonica, Kastoriá and Sípiska [1].

6. The Greco-Vlach community of Buda and Pest deserves particular mention. According to a roll of the citizens of Pest, 8.703 inhabitants were naturalised between 1687 and 1848. Of these 246 were Greeks, of whom 136 came from various parts of Greece, 89 from other districts of Hungary, 10 from other countries and 11 were of unknown provenance. Grouped according to professions, 162 were merchants, 55 owned real estate and farms, 8 were professional men, 3 were drovers and the rest unspecified [2]. In Buda the roll of naturalised citizens during the same period is as follows: out of 7.661 naturalised, 27 were Greeks, the breakdown being (a) according to their place of origin, 16 from Macedonia, 6 from Buda, 2 from Pest, one from Turkey, and 2 from places unknown; (b) by professions, 20 were merchants, 4 owned real estates and farms, 1 was a doctor, and 2 were unspecified [3].

At first the Greeks attended services at the Serbian church of St. George, where the service was read both in Serb and in Greek; but in 1790 about 10 Macedonian Greeks (the majority from Thessalonica, Sérres, Kozáni, Siátista and Monastir) obtained permission from the authorities to build their own church. This cost 110.000 francs of the day and was dedicated to the Dormition of the Virgin (see fig. 125) [4].

1. See interesting details in Spiesz, Die Orthodoxen Handelsleute, «Balkan Studies» 9 (1968) 393 ff. See also p. 413: «...Der überwiegende Teil dieser Leute doch nicht bloss kulturell, sonder auch ethnisch wirklich Griechisch. War wenn es sich um Serben oder Bulgaren handelte, nahmen dies auch die damaligen behörden wahr». See also instances of merchants established in Slovakia on pp. 403 ff., 414 ff.
2. Füves, Ἕνα ἄγνωστο χειρόγραϕο, «Μακεδονικὰ» 6 (1964-1965) 107. On pp. 108-117 see their names.
3. Füves, ibid., pp. 117-119. See also information of Popović, On the Cincari, p. 54, concerning 30 Macedonian families in 1720, 50-60 in 1741 and 70 in 1766.
4. Lampros, Σελίδες, 285. See also Evlogios Kourilas Lavriotis, Ἡ Μοσχόπολις καὶ ἡ νέα Ἀκαδημεία αὐτῆς, Athens 1935, pp. 132-140, where there is bibliography. Α good deal of information about the Greco-Vlach community and the Greek Ortodox church at Budapest, particularly in the 19th century, can be found in Greg. Gogos, Ἡ ἐν Πέστῃ τῆς Οὑγγαρίας ὀρθόδοξος ἑλληνικὴ κοινότης καὶ ἐκκλησία, «Ἐκκλησ. Ἀλήθεια» 4 (1883-1884) 340-344. Regarding the Greeks and Serbs and their attendance at common Orthodox churches in Pest, Vienna, Trieste, see Popović, ibid., pp. 200 ff; Turczynski, Die deutsch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, pp. 80-81.

The Community also built a hospital for the treatment of Greek patients, and several rich donors made bequests for the construction of a guest-house and for the lodging of paupers. An elementary school was the gift of Polyzoës Kontos and George Ventotis. This school's success throughout the years that followed was owed greatly to the excellent administration of its bursar, NicholasVikelas, a rich merchant fromVéroia, who was

Fig. 125. Greek church in Budapest.
(Photo Ö. Füves)

noted for his generosity and more so for — and I quote the expressionof that time — his 'extreme devotion to his race'. It was no doubt thanks to the interest and efforts of Vikelas that the school was provided with a fine library that was rich in both printed works and manuscripts donated by Greeks and Hungarians [1]. Lampros writes: "The fact that

1. Lampros, Σελίδες, 289. On the subject of the school at Pest see Popović, On the Cincari, p. 227. On the Greek community of Buda and Pest see Kourilas, Ἡ Moσχόπολις, pp. 140-164, where there is relevant bibliography. For N. Vikelas see N. Delialis, Κατάλογος ἐντύπων Δημοτ. Βιβλιοθήκης Κοζάνης, Part Ι, Thessalonica 1948, pp. 48, 146-147. Α. Letsas, Δημ. Βικέλας, Thessalonica 1951, pp. 11-12, 70-71. G. Ch. Ghionides, Ἡ ἐκ Βέροιας καταγόμενη οἰκογένεια Βικέλα, «Μακεδονικὰ» 7 (1966-1967) 213.

amongst the gifts of Zaviras to the Greek library of Budapest is to be found a copy of Regas' Map (quite untouched and indeed the best preserved of all the ones I know of) shows that those communities abroad understood their obligations to the Race" [1]. The subjects taught at the school comprised Classical Greek (with such authors as Xenophon, Thucydides, Plato, etc), philosophy, history, Latin, rhetoric, church-music and foreign languages, particularly German [2].

Notwithstanding the energy displayed by the Greeks of Hungary, the learned George Zaviras of Siätista was not greatly satisfied. He was full of regrets for what he considered the degeneration of the 'race', and the lack of those valuable Greek manuscripts which had not escaped the rapacity of the Western Europeans. "I feel the deepest sorrow", he writes, "whenever springs to my mind the present wretched condition of our race; for it has lost its sovereignty and with it has past away our wonderful heritage of learning. At the very moment when the Turks were laying hands on our realm, other peoples from all over Europe — French, Italians and others — came and seized our priceless books, loading up their great ships with them and carrying them off to their homelands to adorn themselves with the labours of others like the crow in Aesop's fable. Amongst other things, the theological books which were people's personal property and used by them as guides towards the truth, these they have shut up (nay, sealed them up!) in their libraries as in tombs. Alas! Is there no one amongst our race who will go to one of these libraries and set free just one single volume, that it might be copied and printed for the benefit of the whole race?" [3].

With his passion for the literature and sciences that had been neglected in his own country, Zaviras could not endure the lamentable state in which Greek culture found itself in his day. He severely criticized the lack of spiritual interests on the part of the younger generation and the way they wasted valuable time and money on billiards and gambling. As he put it, they expended any amount of money amusing themselves in the cafés, while with much less they could provide themselves with useful educational books "as much for passing the time and for the

1. Lampros, Σελίδες, pp. 289-290.
2. Delialis, Ἀναμνηστικὴ ἔκδοσις, p. 67.
3. Füves, Ἕνα ἄγνωστο χειρόγραϕο, «Μακεδονικὰ» 6 (1964-65) 101.

delight and embellishment of the intellect as for the improvement of the character" [1]. And as for those few young people who did show some interest in books and whom one might have looked to with some hope, "they read books which are trivial like the 'Tales of the Arabian Nights', or German, French or Italian stories of no value, books that are erotic and libidinous, books that are worthless, destructive to morals and yet more pernicious still. Alas, many are reading the books of naturists, deists, 'Enthusiasts', atheists, blasphemers and other such works, which are opposed to our sacred religion, opposed to our Lord Jesus Christ, books which drivel on against our almighty Creator; and they read other blasphemous works besides. To what pass have come men, no better than worms..." [2].

But let us take a less impassioned look at the state of the Greeks in Hungary at that time. Andreas Horvath, a Hungarian authority on modern Greek culture, reviewing their influence writes: "The Greeks in Hungary have played an important role in all branches of economic life. In agriculture, first as tenant-farmers and later as owners, they endeavoured to introduce new methods. In the soil of their new homeland they made experiments with the cultivation of cotton and raisins. In manufacture, and most of all in the sphere of handicrafts, they succeeded in winning supremacy over the guilds thanks to the capital at their disposal. Little by little, all the wholesale trade of the country passed into the hands of the immigrants, who as members of numerous commercial 'companies' represented a force which defied competition. It goes without saying that these Greeks played a significant role in the world of the Hungarian stock-exchange.

The economic strength which the Greeks of Hungary attained by virtue of their talents and the various privileges they received from the authorities of the land, created a sound basis for an admirable refining influence that was to have the nıost beneficial results on the cultural life not only of the Greeks themselves but of other Balkan brethren of the same faith" [3].

Thanks to the tolerant and liberal attitude which Hungarians adopted towards all nationalities, a good number of Greeks studied in the educational establishments of lower and higher grade and ultimately

1. Füves, Ἕνα ἄγνωστο χειρόγραϕο, 104-105.
2. Ibid., p. 105.
3. Horvath, Ἐκπολιτιστικὴ δράση τῆς ἑλληνικῆς διασπορᾶς, «Ν. Ἑστία» 28 (1940) 926.

made their mark. We may quote as examples the doctor-philosopher Dem. Nich. Karakasis [1] from Siátista, the monk Dorotheos of Ithaca, the monk Amphilochios from Yánnina, the doctor-philosopher George K. Sakellariou of Kozáni, Dem. Panayotis Govdelas, the tutor John Emmanuel of Kastoriá, Const. Hadzi-Georgiou Tzechanis, the wise teacher of the Greek schools of Temesvar, Pest and Zemun, the poet Athanasios Christopoulos of Kastoriá (referred to as 'the modern Anacreon'), and the merchant and scholar George Zaviras (1774-1804) from Siátista, who wrote "The New Greece or Greek Theatre, or a history of the learned Greeks who came into prominence subsequent to the grievous period of our race" [2]. This work is the first attempt at an account of Greek literature after the fall of Constantinople [3]. Zaviras wrote it towards the end of the 18thcentury in the small Hungarian village of Szabadszàlás, availing himself of Hungarian bibliography and various Hungarian examples of this type of composition [4]. His manuscript was deposited in the library of the Greek school at Budapest, whence it passed into the hands of Anth. Gazis, who had the intention of publishing it, but never succeeded in doing so. In the end the manuscript found itself in the National Library of Athens and was published in 1872 by the historian George Kremos.

Demetrius Darvaris from Kleisoúra in Macedonia first settled in Pest with a view to learning Slavonic. Working later mainly in Vienna he showed great activity as a writer for the illumination and national regeneration of his own people [5]. Amongst his various works I would draw attention to his 'Introduction to the Greek Language', published in 1798 [6].

1. On Dem. Karakasis see the relevant study of Dem. B. Oikonomides, Περὶ τῶν ἐκ Σιατίστης ἰατροϕιλοσόϕων Δημητρίου καὶ Κωνσταντίνου Λουκᾶ ἢ Καρακάσση καὶ τοῦ Ἀλεξ. Odobescu, «Γέρας Ἀντων. Κεραμοπούλλου», Athens 1953, pp. 206-223. See also N. Delialis, Συμπληρωματικὸν σημείωμα περὶ τοῦ ἰατροϕιλοσόϕου Καρακάση, «Γέρας Ἀντων. Κεραμοπούλλου», pp. 542-543.
2. Horvath, ibid., pp. 928-929. See also Odön Füves, Zavirasz irodalomtörteneti müvének Kezirataihoz (Contribution to history of the historical-philosophical work of Zaviras), «Különlenyomat az Antik Tanulmányok» V, Kötet 3-4 (1958).
3. For the faults in this work (inaccuracies, etc.) see Legrand, Bibliographie Hellénique, vol. 1 (1885) 1-11.
4. Horvath, Ἐκπολιτιστικὴ δράση τῆς ἑλληνικῆς διασπορᾶς, pp. 1008-1009. Horvath has written a special monograph on Zaviras, The life and works of G. Zaviras, Budapest 1937, which I have not made use of.
5. Lampros, Σελίδες, p. 290.
6. Angel. Hatzimichali, Οἱ ἐν τῷ ἑλληνοσχολείῳ Μετζόβου διδάξαντες καὶ διδαχθέντες, ΗΧ 15 (1940) 142.

Horvath writes: "These learned folk, or 'σοϕολογιώτατοι', found in the Greek colonies an ideal environment in which to develop their national-religious activities and create works of which the central theme was the Orthodox religion and thoir ancestral tongue. These constituted symbols and — in their firm opinionι — evidence of the historical continuity and racial unity of Hellenism. Writing, publishing and disseminating Greek books was in their eyes a national question" [1].

Fig. 126. Cover of a Greek book published in Buda (1818).

In the university press of Buda and in the printing house of Tzattner and Karolyi of Pest (in many editions called 'the Greek Press') were printed spelling-books, readers, primers on grammar and rhetoric, dictionaries, sacred stories, catechisms, psalters, works on astronomy, geometry, history, natural history, botany and education (see fig. 126). All these contributed to the awakening and enhlightenment of the Greeks and to the raising of their cultural and spiritual level [2]. Copies of these books together with other Greek documents and manuscripts survive in the public libraries of Pest, Miscolč, Kecskemét and other Hungarian towns. But this rich source of material has yet to be subjected to systematic research and detailed analysis, such as might throw more light on the activities of Greeks in Hungary [3]. Some of these Greek books were translated into Serb and Rumanian, testifying to the civilizing role played by Greeks (especially Macedonians) throughout the Balkan peninsula [4].

1. Horvath, Ἐκπολιτιστικὴ δράση τῆς ἑλληνικῆς διασπορᾶς, p. 927.
2. Horvath, ibid., p. 1005.
3. Horvath, ibid., p. 1008.
4. Horvath, ibid., p. 1005.

7. Side by side with the settlement of Macedonian Greeks in Hungary, similar developments were taking place in Austria. Trade relations between Austria and neighbouring Turkey stretch far back in history, but they became particularly close after the treaty of Passarowitz (1718), whereby Turkey conceded important trade privileges to Austria. The founding of the 'Orientalische Compagnie' in the following year heralded a new era in Austro-Turkish trade [1]. The Macedonians were not slow to take advantage of these developments. They could now take up permanent residence in Austria and obtain Austrian nationality; and this gave them the right to trade freely with the lands under Turkish rule. They preserved their Austrian nationality even after they had returned to their home towns [2] (Greeks with Austrian nationality were to be found in Thessalonica up till 1876 [3]).

Α significant number of emigrant Greeks particularly from Macedonia, now moved into Austria, and to Vienna especially, so that in 1723 the Emperor gave them permission to build their own church there [4]. In the years that followed, the pace of immigration increased steadily, so that by the end of the 18th century there were more than 80.000 Greek families in Austria, as we learn from Daniel Philippides and Gregory Constantas [5]. Α modern authority calculates that within a period of two centuries (1650-1850) about a million and a half Greeks from Macedonia, Epirus and Thessaly emigrated, following the caravan routes to the lands of Austria and Hungary, Germany, Rumania and Russia[6]. As in those parts which today form part of Yugoslavia, so in Austria, Hungary and Germany the immigrants were distinguished by their wealth and their fine houses. Famous were the mansions of the Darvaris, Sinas, Tzikas and Doumbas families in Vienna and of the Nakos family in Pest [7].

1. Laïos, Ὁ ἑλληνικὸς τύπος τῆς Βιέννης, p. 6. See also Turczynski, Die deutsch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, pp. 13-14.
2. Kontoyiannis, Ίστορικαὶ διηγήσεις, p. 23.
3. Apost. Vacalopoulos, Τὰ δραματικὰ γεγονότα τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης κατὰ τὸν Μάϊο τοῦ 1876, «Μακεδονικὰ» 2 (1941-52) 232.
4. Laïos, ibid., p. 6, where bibliography may be found.
5. Daniel Philippides - Gregory Konstantas, Γεωγραϕία Νεωτερική, Vienna 1791, p. 136.
6. Lyritzis, Αἱ Μακεδονικαὶ κοινότητες, p. 22. Regarding the Greeks in the German cities of Leipzig, Chemnitz, Reichenberg and Breslau, see Turczynski, ibid., pp. 100-108, where there is also bibliography.
7. Popović, On the Cincari, p. 112,

Of these two centres of Macedonian and, more generally, northern Greek communities in mid-Europe, the Austrian capital proved the more attractive, occupying such a favourable commercial position between Central Europe and Turkey. The Danube of course was a most profitable highway of trade. Merchandise coming from Turkey would be placed in depot at Vienna and thence dispatched to the whole of Austria, Germany, northern Italy and even France. In addition, the city housed many bankers (one of whom was the national benefactor from Moschopolis, George Sinas, who was living there around the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries) together with a stock-exchange which greatly facilitated the transactions of the Vienna-based businessmen [1]. Already by 1685 — two years after the Turkish defeat before Vienna — there is mention of Greek merchants in the city, who received a variety of privileges from Joseph I (1705-1711) [2].

Because of Vienna's favourable position numerous Greeks from the commercial cities of Austria and Hungary, and even Venice, transferred their operations to the Austrian capital [3]. The extent of the commercial activities of these northern Greeks (and especially of those from Metsovo [4], Moschopolis, etc.) during this period is demonstrated by the need by Thomas Demetriou of Siátista to have published in Vienna two books which were to be useful to his compatriots in the business world. These were entitled "An experienced guide to commercial affairs, or a book containing all that is necessary in business, together with a list of weights and measures employed throughout almost the whole of Europe" (1793) and "Scrittura Doppia, or the keeping of commercial ledgers" (1794) [5]. From these rare and interesting works, published by the printing house of Baumeister, only one copy of the second book survived to before the Great War in the library of Constantine Voutsas at Kleisoúra [6]. Α similar type of book was published in 1849, "A Hand-book of Commercial Double-Accounting" [7], by Constantine Yadsoulis,

1. Kontoyiannis, Ἱστορικαὶ διηγήσεις, pp. 23-24. Lampros, Σελίδες, pp. 293-295.
2. Em. Turczynski, Deutsch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen und die griechischen Zeitungen (1784-1821), «Berl. Byzant. Arbeiten» 15 (1960) 59.
3. See Turczynski, ibid., p. 60. For the success of the Greek works see ibid., pp. 89-95.
4. Hatzimichali, Οἱ ἐν τῷ ἑλληνοσχολείῳ, pp. 141 ff.
5. Lampros, ibid., pp. 296-297.
6. Ant. Sigalas, Ἀπὸ τὴν πνευματικὴ ζωὴ τῶν ἑλληνικῶν κοινοτήτων τῆς Μακεδονίας. Α'. Ἀρχεῖα καὶ βιβλιοθῆκαι Δυτικῆς Μακεδονίας, Thessalonica 1939, pp. 136-138.
7. Lyritzis, Αἱ μακεδόνικαὶ κοινότητες, p. 23.

a merchant from Kozáni who had settled in Vienna and was supplier to the imperial family.

The quarter of Vienna which today corresponds more or less with the Fleischmarkt, Hafnersteig, Hoher Markt, Rothgasse, Sonnenfelsgasse and stretching as far as the banks of the Danube, was largely inhabited by Macedonian and other Greek merchants; and here in the

Fig. 127. The Greek church in Vienna.

18th century was formed the famous Greek community of Vienna [1]. The memory of those Greek merchants is preserved today in the name 'Griechengasse' [2]. At Steyrerhof am Hafnersteig the Greek church of St. George was built in 1783, and Greek subjects of the Ottoman empire

1. Lampros, Σελίδες, pp. 291, 292. See list of details of many Greek merchants of Vienna in P. Κ. Enepekides, Griechische Handelsgesellschaften und Kaufleute in Wien aus dem Jahre 1766 (ein Konskriptionsbuch), Thessalorıica 1959.
2. Lampros, ibid., p. 292. See Klaus Eggert, Ὁ ἐν Βιέννῃ καθεδρικὸς ἑλληνικὸς ναὸς τῆς Ἁγ. Τριάδος ἐπὶ τῆς Fleischmarkt, «Στάχυς» Jan. - June 1966, parts 4-5, pp. 35-83.

attended services there. Later on, thanks to gifts mostly from the Barons Simon Sinas and Stergios Doumbas, the church of the Holy Trinity (see fig. 127) was founded for Greeks who had adopted Austrian nationality [1]. Α number of the priests serving these churches distinguished themselves both as scholars and as theologians, such as Theokletos Pharmakides [2] from Nebegler (now Níkaia) near Lárissa, Neophytos Doukas and Anthimos Gazis from Miliés near Vólos [3]. With a bequest of an annual sum of 1.000 florins left by Christopher Nakos, the Greek subjects in Austria reorganized the school of the Greek community between 1802 and 1804, and a number of eminent 'Δάσκαλοι τοῦ Γένους' mos Gazis, Constantine Koumas, Constantine Vardalachos, Vasileios Papaefthymios and Neophytos Doukas [4].

The fortunes of the Macedonians reached their peak around the beginning of the 19th century. They plied their customary trade in woollen goods and dominated the market and — thanks to the Bank of Sinas— the stock-exchange of the Austrian empire. However, from 1830 onwards the development and improvement of European communications, the competition of wool from Australia and the Transvaal, there emergence and domination of Jewish merchants, industrialists and bankers combined with a number of other factors to check Greek commercial activity. The decline of the Greek community in Vienna was not so far away [5].

8. Side by side with their increasing material prosperity the Macedonians of Vienna enjoyed a noteworthy advance in the cultural sphere. For the Germanic world of that time Vienna was the most brilliant centre of letters, science, art and music, which could not but exercise a powerful influence upon the immigrants from Greece and more so their children.

Once they had made their fortunes and acquired a place for themselves in the social hierarchy of Austrian society, many of those hardy immigrants — Macedonians, Epirotes, Thessalians, Thracians, Greeks from Asia Minor and the islands — took an interest in literary matters and supported with generous gifts the publication of a variety of books

1. Lampros, Σελίδες, p. 297. See also Laïos, Ὁ ἑλληνικὸς τύπος, pp. 7-8.
2. Dem. S. Balanos, Θεόκλητος Φαρμακίδης, 1784-1860, Athens 1933, p. 9.
3. Lyritzis, Αἱ μακεδόνικαὶ κοινότητες, p. 37.
4. Turczynski, Deutsch-griechischen... , pp. 82-83. See also pp. 108-110.
5. Lampros, ibid., pp. 279-280, 291-292, 292-293.

in Greek [1]. In Vienna were published quite a range of books and periodicals (not easy to come by today) written by Macedonian, Thessalian and Epirote authors such as Demetrius Darvaris [2], Neophytos Doukas, Athanasius Stageiritis, Stephen Kommetas, Constantine Koumas (" Ἱστορίαι τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πράξεων", vols. 1 -12), Anthimos Gazis ("Λόγιος Ἑρμῆς"), etc.

Of all the European cities containing Greek communities Vienna offered the greatest advantages for the successful publication of a Greek newspaper. It was the largest political and cultural centre in Central Europe, it was in proximity to the populous and flourishing Greek settlements of Austria and Hungary, Wallachia and Moldavia, and it was in close contact with the Greek world within the Ottoman empire [3].

The first to bring out a Greek newspaper was George Ventotis (1757-1795). In 1784 he published in Vienna a weekly paper in Greek, and as such deserves the title of father of Greek journalism. We do not, however, know either the name or contents of this newspaper, nor how long it was in circulation; it cannot have been for very long — perhaps no more than eight weeks — since objections were soon raised by the Turks [4].

Another newspaper published in Vienna was the "Ἐϕηαερὶς" (see fig. 128), compiled by the Markides Poulios brothers. It ran from 1790 to 1797, when the press was closed and the publishers exiled for having printed Regas' revolutionary proclamation. They were in fact among the first people to be initiated by Regas into his revolutionary plans. The traveller Jacques Dallaway ("Constantinople ancienne et moderne") describes the avidness with which the Greeks of the Ottoman empire used to read their own newspaper: "Even though the Greeks of today are of little account in the political scales of Europe, no other race follows with such concern all that is going on in the world at large. They are

1. Demosth. Rousos, Αἱ πρῶται ἑλληνικαὶ ἐϕημερίδες, «Τὸ Ν. Κράτος» 4 (1940) 558.
2. Regarding the studies and activity of Dem. Darvaris see Ν. Α. Bees, Δημητρίου Νικολάου Δαρβάρεως, Ἀϕιέρωμα εἰς Ρήγαν Βελεστινλὴν – Φερραῖον μετ᾽ αὐτογράϕων σημειωμάτων τοῦ Πρώτομάρτυρος, ΠΑΑ 19 (1944) 363-367.
3. Rousos, ibid., pp. 557-558.
4. G. Laïos, Ὁ Γεώργιος Βεντότης ὁ Ζακύνθιος καὶ ἡ πρώτη ἑλληνικὴ ἐϕημερίδα (1784), «Ἐπιθεώρηση Τέχνης» 2 (1955) 149-154. See also the study by the same author and bearing the same title in «Ἑπτανησιακὰ Φύλλα» 3 (1958). Em. Turczynski, Eine unbekannte griechische Zeitung aus dem Jahre 1784, SOF 16 (1957) 123-132. But see especially Laïos, Ὁ ἑλληνικὸς τύπος τῆς Βιέννης, pp. 18-23.

Fïg. 128. Cover of the "Ephemeris" of the Markides Poulios brothers (1793).
(G. Laïos, Ὁ ἑλληνικὸς τύπος τῆς Βιέννης ἀπὸ τοῦ 1784 μέχρι τοῦ 1821, Athens 1961, p. 51)

excessively credulous and ingenious at thinking up imaginary news; their conversation revolves around politics. The newspapers published in Greek at Vienna is regarded like a mighty oracle. They read it avidly and base all their discussion upon it".

Other newspapers were in circulation in the following century. The " Εἰδήσεις διὰ τὰ Ἀνατολικὰ μέρη " (see fig. 129) of Euphronios Popovic of Kozáni was published from 2 July 1811 until the end of that year; the " Ἑλληνικὸς Τηλέγραϕος " of the doctor and scholar Demetrius Alexandrides from Tírnavos in Thessaly ran from 1812 to 1836, and the fortnightly periodical "Καλλιόπη" of Athanasius Stageiritis from 1819 to 1821 [1]. Then there was that excellent literary journal, "Λόγιος Ἑρμῆς" (1811-1814, 1816-1821) of Anthimus Gazis, which attracted as contributors some of the greatest cultural figures of occupied Greece [2]. With the wealth infofmation they provide about the life and activities of the Greeks settled throughout Austria and Hungary, these newspapers and periodicals constitute a most useful source for the historian of the flourishing Greek communities in those lands.

The Greeks of Vienna also felt a strong desire to set up presses for the publication of books in Greek. Thanks to the freedom of the press enjoyed under Joseph II (1780-1790) books in the Greek language were published on a variety of subjects including geography, history, commerce, philosophy, language and literature. Some of these were original works, but the majority were translations from German and occasionally from other languages. Thus it was chiefly by way of Vienna that the fruits of European writing and science were passed on both to the Greek

1. Lampros, Σελίδες, p. 299. J. Dallaway, Constantinople ancienne et moderne, etc., Paris 7, vol. 1, p. 175. For details of the news and information published by the newspapers, and about their editors see Rousos, Αἱ πρῶται ἑλληνικαὶ ἐϕημερίδες, «Τὸ Νέον Κράτος» 4 (1940) 557-573, 667-678, 751-754. Em. Turczynski, Die ersten griechischen Zeitungen und Zeitschriften 1784-1821, «Publizistik» 1956, Heft 6 (November - Dezember) 353-361. Α good deal of interesting information and detail is to be found in G. Laïos, Οἱ ἀδελϕοὶ Πούλιου, ὁ Γεώργιος Θεοχάρης καὶ ἄλλοι σύντροϕοι τοῦ Ρήγα (Ἀνέκδοτα ἔγγραϕα ἀπὸ τὰ Ἀρχεῖα τῆς Βιέννης), ΔΙΕΕ 12 (1957-1958) 202-205, 206-213. By the same author, Ὁ ἑλληνικὸς τύπος, pp. 24-126. See also Turczynski, Deutsch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, «Berl. Byzant. Arbeiten» 15 (1960) 62-80, 83-95. See, too, P. Enepekides, Συμβολαὶ εἰς τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦ ἑλληνικοῦ τύπου καὶ τυπογραϕείων τῆς Βιέννης 1790-1821, Athens 1965, pp. 9-45, where the relevant bibliography may be found. Regarding trouble which Alexandrides had with the Austrian police see pp. 54-66. On the same subject, with supplementary information, see by the same author, Κοραῆς - Κούμας - Κάλβος, Athens 1967, pp. 199-275.
2. Enepekides, ibid., pp. 46-60.

Fig. 129. The first page of the newspaper «Εἰδήσεις διὰ τὰ Ἀνατολικὰ Μέρη» (1811).
(Laïos, ibid., p. 81)

colonies abroad and to occupied Greece. Venice lost the pride of place she had enjoyed hitherto: there was censorship there, and it was mainly theological books that were published. The Austrian capital was fast becoming the leading cultural centre of modern Hellenism [1].

The expatriate Macedonians as a whole (and we should include the inhabitants of Moschopolis in Northern Epirus), besides playing a major role in the promotion of Austrian and Hungarian trade, rendered important services to these countries in other spheres, and this despite the difficult circumstances they often encountered there. They also made a name for themselves in the world of letters. George Rozias, a doctor from Moschopolis, writes at the beginning of the 19th century: "The talents the Greeks have for beautifying their surroundings, cultivating their minds and performing beneficent works, though hidden hitherto for the reasons we have mentioned, shone forth strongly once more after the majority of them had migrated to these well-governed and peaceful lands. Here they have proved themselves everywhere highly estimable citizens. In their midst are to be found not only wealthy establishments but people worthy of great deeds. The larger part of these immigrants have reached the ranks of the Hungarian nobility and bring considerable advantages to their adopted countries. Their chief work lies in trade; by themselves or in collaboration with other nationalities they bring about the formation of great trading companies in the largest cities. In Hungary, Saxony and almost the whole of Germany there is no commercial centre in which they do not hold first place in matters of trade. The most brilliant amongst them (and these number not a few) learn nowdays to speak the various languages at their best. Many of them devote themselves — in Germany particularly — to a variety of pursuits, such as theology, medicine, law, with the happiest results" [2].

Greek immigrants studied in large numbers in the German university towns; and through these scholars and their writings (though one ought not to discount the role played by Greek businessmen) German civilization with its advances in education and science was able to penetrate

1. See Laïos, Ὁ Ἑλληνικὸς τύπος, p. 9. See also Turczynski, Deutch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, «Berl. Byzant. Arbeiten» 15 (1960) 61 ff. For details of the books that were published in Vienna see ibid., pp. 116-138, where there is also bibliography.
2. G. K. Rozias, Ἐξετάσεις περὶ τῶν Ρωμαίων ἢ τῶν ὀνομαζόμενων Βλάχων ὅσοι κατοικοῦσιν ἀντιπεραν τοῦ Δουνάβεως, ἑπὶ παλαιῶν μαρτυριῶν τεθεμελιωμέναι, Pesth 1808, p. 128-129. Cf. also Moullas, Ἕνας Μακεδόνας ἀπόδημος, passim, and Nettas, Die Ηandelsbeziehungen, σ. 96 ff., 122.

even occupied Greece, especially its northern parts. In this context the learned Koumas of Lárisa writes to the German philologist Fr. Thiersch: "All that section of modern Greece whieh concerns itself with the cultivation of the Muses takes delight in the learning of other nations, and most of all that of Germany. One can discern everywhere doctors and teachers expressing themselves in the German language and displaying the German uprightness of character. In Vienna, Jena, Halle, Göttingen, or any other of the German cities one can find scholars in positions of eminence. German compositions have now been rendered into modern Greek and our young people are now bathed in the life-giving streams of culture" [1].

The commercial and cultural successes enjoyed by Greeks in these European lands do not signify that life was all that easy for them. Although these energetic Greeks were of considerable benefit to their adopted countries, the indigenous merchants could hardly remain indifferent to the fact that they themselves were losing ground. They did their best to put obstacles in the way of the Greeks and from time to time succeeded in getting promulgated certain decrees aimed at impeding the unrestricted exercise of trade [2].

Of the Macedonian Greeks who distinguished themselves in other spheres, as high-ranking civil servants and men of science for example, we might mention two important figures from Kozáni: firstly Constantine Terzis, one of the most popular mayors of Pest around the middle of the last century [3], and secondly Theodore Karayannis, professor of German literature, academician and assistant-director of the imperial library of Vienna. The world-famous conductor Herbert von Karajan is one of his descendants [4]. Α number of the Karayannis family acquired titles of nobility, like George Karayannis (see fig. 130), the father of Theodore Karayannis (see fig. 131) [5], and Constantine Bellios, who established the foundation that bears his name and which still provides the means for young Macedonians in poor circumstances to study. Then there is Simon Sinas, whose son and grandson were national benefac-

1. Enepekides, Κοραῆής - Κούμας - Κάλβος, p. 90.
2. Füves, The Greeks in Hungary, p. 11.
3. Lampros, Σελίδες, p. 283. Gogos, Ἡ ἐν Πέστῃ ἑλληνικὴ κοινότης, «Ἐκκλ. Ἀλήθεια» 4 (1883-1884) 339.
4. Ant. Sigalas, Νέα πηγὴ ἀϕορῶσα τὴν οἰκογένειαν Καραγιάννη, «Ἡμερολόγιον Δυτ. Μακεδονίας» 1932, pp. 167-177.
5. Sigalas, ibid., p. 168.

Fig. 130. George I. Karayannis (1743-1813).
(Ant. Sigalas, Νέα πηγὴ ἀϕορῶσα τὴν οἰκογένειαν Καραγιάννη, 
«Ἡμερολόγιον Δυτ. Μακεδονίας» 1932, opposite p. 170)

Fig. 131. Theodore Karayannis (1810-1873).
(Sigalas, ibid.)

tors as founders of the Observatory and the Academy of Athens. George Sinas expended large sums on the construction of a beautiful bridge over the Danube (see fig. 132). Christopher Nakos — amongst his numerous and significant services to the Hungarian state — is recorded as being the first to introduce into Hungary the cultivation of cotton, and to have played an important role in the general development of the country's agriculture [1].

Greek scholars living abroad felt a keen desire to foster in their pupils anenthusiasm education forand to inculcate the duty of maintain-ing existing schools and founding new ones. The function of these schools

Fig. 132. Sinas' Bridge at Budapest.

was, in their eyes, two-fold: to turn their alumni into virtuous citizens, and to equip them with knowledge that would be of advantage to them in life. The views which these Greek teachers held are echoed in a speech delivered by the teacher Euphronius Raphael Popović in Pest on 5th August 1819 at the ceremony marking the end of the school year[2]. The speech is a veritable hymn to education.

Yet there were a large number of wealthy immigrants who showed neglect in the upbringing and education of their children, as the writer Dem. Darvaris complains. These people, he says, consumed with the thirst for gain, are indifferent to the higher development of their offspring [3]. Family visits and social gatherings all serve to distract the youth

1. Lampros, Σελίδες, pp. 283-284. See the list of Greek nobles in Ödön Füves, Die Bekanntesten geadelten Griechen im Ungarn, «Balkan Studies» 5 (1964) 303-308. See also Popović, On the Cincari, pp. 264-269, where there is information about the expatriate Greeks who assumed titles of nobility in Austria and Hungary.
2. Dslialis, Ἀναμνηστικὴ ἔκδοσις, pp. 52-57.
3. Bees, Δημητρίου Νικολάου τοῦ Δαρβάρεως Ἀϕιέρωμα εἰς Ρήγαν Βελεοτινλήν, ΠΑΑ 19 (1944) 358-359.

from their studies and the path of virtue, and dispose them towards vanity and a fondness for luxury and gambling. Moreover, of the family tutors, Darvaris goes on, few are those who know and employ correct teaching methods. The majority "only burden the pupil's memory with a mass of words that they do not understand; they fill their ears with myths and stories which are of no benefit to them whatever; they refine their ways with certain outward forms, which lead astray the simple-minded, and — worst of all — they play up to their passions and so render them evil and dishonest men for life..." [1]. Thus throughout the European towns and cities, great and small, the offspring of these Greek immigrants can be found, ignorant and uneducated, completely disorientated, and swept along in a stream of wantonness and prodigality. In a mood of bitter disappointment George Zaviras goes on: "I confess that often, on entering a café, my eyes brimming with tears and my heart broken, I have called upon Jeremiah and the sorrowful Heracleitus to weep with me for the corrupted morals of our race's youth. For there one can see nought but the Greeks' preoccupation with vain things" [2].

Darvaris gives vent to similar complaints about the youth: "They no longer want to work", he writes, "nor to save; they love only indolence and party-going; for nowadays practically all young people hold the belief that they were not born into the world to work and act like logical creatures, but to enjoy prodigality and the passions of the flesh just like beasts..." [3]. The only salvation is to found plenty of schools: "...In our day all the civilized races of Europe have founded 'museums of learning' and every day new ones are being added for the education of the young. We alone, who live in their midst, continue to hobble along, and seeing, turn a blind eye; and out of perverseness we show no desire to imitate them, that our Race might thereby receive some degree of enlightenment and might not be despised by others as being ignorant and barbarous. For, so long as schools are not established in all foreign towns of any consequence where our people reside, and are not endowed with all that a properly organized school requires, there can be no hope f or the enlightenment and elevation of our race. But more

1. Bees, Δημητρίου Νικολάου τοῦ Δαρβάρεως, ΠΑΑ 19 (1944) 359.
2. Füves, Ἕνα ἄγνωστο χειρόγραϕο, «Μακεδονικὰ» 6 (1964-1965) 104.
3. Bees, ibid., ΠΑΑ 19 (1944) 358-359. See also Füves, ibid., p. 102: "Τώρα ὅλην τὴν μακαριότητα αὐτῶν καὶ τό ἄκρον ἀγαθὸν θέτουσι εἰς τὸν στολισμὸν τοῦ θέματος (τοῦ κορμίου) καὶ εἰς τὰ εὔμορϕ α ϕορέματα, ὅμως καὶ μὲ τοῦτο δὲν ἐξαρκοῦνται ἀλλὰ πολλοὶ εἰς μάταια πράγματα τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν εἰς σϕαιριστήρια, χαρτάκια καὶ κυβευτήρια ἐνασχολοῦνται".

than this; there is a great danger of the nation being blotted out completely, with not a remnant surviving" [1].

After adopting Austrian and Hungarian nationality, and more so when they had married foreign wives, the Greek immigrants began gradually to absorb the powerful influences of the foreign environment and culture which they so much admired, and to abandon their own family, national and religious traditions. The strict Greek family ties were relaxed; the woman acquired more freedom and dressed in the European fashion. In fact she gained such an influence over her husband that Darvaris was prompted to draw attention to the dangers: "Fashions... have corrupted and go on corrupting day by day such a number of our households". And elswhere: "...these days everything is completely upside-down and topsy-turvy; the men are women and the women men; and the one who by every natural and political law should be the master has become the slave, with the result that the menfolk, against all reason, allow the women to lead them by the nose any way they want" [2]. What, then, has happened to that lowly, almost unnoticed presence of the woman customary in the households of Western Greece in particular? Here in foreign lands the Greek woman was now emancipated: she was educated; she held her own place in the family and in the community. But there were times when the balance between the sexes was upset and their respective roles were in danger of being reversed.

With the passage of time, the descendants of the Greek immigrants came to identify themselves more and more with their adopted countries in both outlook and interests, until in the end they had become completely assimilated with their European surroundings. The danger of the Greeks' losing their national character became apparent quite early on. Constantine Koumas attributed the responsibility to the parents, and to the mothers most of all. "In Austria", he writes, "and perhaps the case is the same in other countries, the youth is being ruined through the ignorance of the parents. The Greeks ought to be handing on their language to their children, and with it their life-saving religion, for which the Greek language is, in the churches, a vehicle. But parents... despise their ancestral tongue and speak to their children in German. Indeed, young ladies are ashamed to be taken as Greeks. Α Greek woman, though fully conversant with Greek, will speak with another woman in German,

1. Bees, Δημητρίου Νικολάου τοῦ Δαρβάρεως..., pp. 359-360.
2. Bees, ibid., ΠΑΑ 19 (1944) 362-363.

out of snobbery. Mothers talk to their children in German. Nurses and chambermaids with their common national idiom show these simple creatures to be Germans in language alone. What is the result? Their children receive their knowledge of religion and morals neither from the Greek church, its language no longer being intelligible to them, nor from the Roman Catholic church, inasmuch as they are not members of it. Consequently, they become indifferent to matters of religion, they have a contempt for morality, they give themselves over to carnal pleasures and become not just useless incumbrances on the face of earth but criminals of a tender age. Once people have removed themselves from under the saving ark of their national being, they are drowned forever in a flood of immorality. But", Koumas observes ironically, "who can put any sense into the head of an amiable young lady?" [1].

Quite a number of the more recent descendants of Greek immigrants, though fully assimilated into the environments of their homelands, do preserve even today a consciousness of their descent and sometimes reveal a certain atavistic nostalgia and a curiosity to visit their distant land of origin. This has occured with descendants of the Karayannis family [2] and with other families who had come originally from Erátyra (Sélitsa) [3].

As we have seen, Greeks from Austria and Hungary came to share

1. K. M. Koumas, Ίστορίαι τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πράξεων, Vienna 1832, vol. 12, pp. 551-552. G. Zaviras makes similar complaints about the Greeks in Hungary: "...ἐὰν ὡμίλουν πρὸς τὰς συζύγους καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτῶν τὴν γλῶσσαν των μέχρι τοῦδε πόσοι ἠθέλασι γένει; εἰς αὐτὴν μάλιστα τὴν Μητέρα τῆς ἀνοχῆς, τοντέστι εἰς ἕνα τοιοῦτον χριστιανικώτατον καὶ ϕιλέλλην βασίλειον; ἠθέλασιν ἦσται ἐδῶ, καθὼς καὶ αἱ ἐδῶ κατοικοῦσαι ἄλλαι Γενεαί, ἕνα Γένος ὁλόκληρον ἐστολισμένον μὲ χριστιανικὰ καὶ χρηστὰ ἤθη, μὲ κώμας, μὲ πόλεις, μὲ τεχνίτας, μὲ ναούς, μὲ σχολεῖα, μὲ ἄνδρας σοϕοὺς καὶ πεπαιδευμένους, μὲ ἀξιωματικοὺς τουτέστι μὲ ἑκατοντάρχους, χιλιάρχους καὶ Στρατηγούς, μὲ Ἱερεῖς, Ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ Μητροπολίτας. Ἴσως καὶ μὲ Δυνάστας (Βαρώνους) καὶ Κόμητας...". Horvath, Ἐκπολιτιστικὴ δράση τῆς ἑλληνικῆς διασπορᾶς, «Ν. Ἑστία» 28 (1940) 927.
2. See Sigalas, Νέα πηγή, «Ἡμερολόγιον Δυτ. Μακεδονίας» 1932, pp. 176-177.
3. See Lyritzis, Αἱ Μακεδονικαὶ κοινότητες, p. 58: "During the German invasion of Greece in 1941 there passed by Erátyra a German unit in which some Austrians were serving. Α number of these were descended from Macedonian families which had settled in Austria and had come originally from that village. When these soldiers arrived, therefore, they made enquiries of the local inhabitants, with tears in their eyes, to discover their ancestral homes and any descendants of their families who might be still living in the village". Professor Athan. Yioblakis (a former pupil of mine) has recounted a similar incident. In 1941 an Austrian captain came to Sélitsa, who was descended from folk that had emigrated from that village centuries before. He looked for members of his family, but found none surviving.

the highest manifestations of European civilization. They admired it greatly and attempted by every possible means to absorb it and assimilate its elements. If, however, their cultural role was somewhat passive and confined to their own and their compatriots' education, the same cannot be said of the Greeks in Wallachia and Moldavia, where their cultural supremacy and influence made itself widely felt. In these lands Greek clergy, merchants, literary figures, philhellenes and rulers, showed themselves genuine vehicles of culture, playing a notable part in all walks of life — church, community, politics and literature [1]. However, an examination of this question involves not only the history of Macedonia but that of modern Hellenism as a whole.

Α Door of an Old Post-byzantine House in Thessalonica

1. Horvath, Ἐκπολιτιστικὴ δράση, pp. 1099-1010.

* The work of professor Vakalopoulos (The emigration of Macedonians to lands outside Greece) here

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